Soviets Menace Nixon With 30 Mediterranean Ships
By Vera Kessler ·
Nixon faced a Soviet push to stop the Mediterranean from being an American lake, a $690 million claim from Peru, and a trembling government in Saigon.
The Soviet Mediterranean squadron began as a handful of surface ships and submarines in 1964. By February 1969, as detailed in a sanitized copy of the President's Daily Brief from the CIA FOIA Electronic Reading Room, it had evolved into a force of approximately thirty vessels designed to ensure the Mediterranean was "not an American lake."
For the Nixon administration, this was not merely a matter of prestige. The brief notes that the squadron's effectiveness grew alongside its combat capabilities, specifically those targeting aircraft carriers. In earlier years, the Soviet presence was too small to pose a convincing threat to the US Sixth Fleet. By 1969, however, the deployment of at least two cruise missile ships and a nuclear-powered cruise missile submarine—carrying at least 12 launchers—changed the calculus.
"Not an American Lake"
The intelligence suggests the Soviets viewed US attack carriers less as strategic threats and more as instruments of "local or limited warfare." The goal of the expanded squadron was to make the US pause before intervening in regional crises, potentially creating a window for Moscow to intervene itself.
This naval posture was complemented by symbolic gestures of solidarity with Arab interests. The brief highlights a visit by a nuclear submarine to Alexandria, marking the first time such a vessel visited a non-bloc port. While the Soviets maintained a symbolic amphibious force of roughly 400 troops, the real leverage lay in the logistics. Moscow had secured a naval oil storage facility in Port Said and a repair ship in Alexandria, though the analysts noted the USSR had no intention of establishing sovereign military bases, which would have tarnished their image as opponents of "imperialists."
690 Million Dollars
While the Mediterranean simmered, the brief shifts to a financial dispute in South America. President Velasco of Peru had informed the International Petroleum Company that his government was claiming over $690 million for "unjust enrichment." This figure was more than five times the amount Peruvian officials had previously demanded.
Despite affirming friendship toward the United States, Velasco used the platform to attack the Hickenlooper amendment, asserting it must be abolished "and never again mentioned." The tension was acute; the Peruvian press reported that a deadline for a separate $15 million bill had already passed, and Lima had initiated proceedings to sell the company's properties. The only reprieve was a window of a week or more to arrange the sale, during which the company could still pay.
Prague's Fighting Speech
In Europe, the record tracks the volatility of the Prague Spring. Alexander Dubcek, the Czechoslovak party leader, had returned from a brief illness to deliver a "fighting speech." In it, he attacked both hardliners and "ultraliberals," specifically targeting Slovak party boss Husak, who was attempting to seize control of the party central committee.
The brief suggests that Dubcek's forceful return may have emboldened those who were wavering in their loyalty, potentially pushing them toward forcing an early party congress. This was exactly what the Soviets wanted to avoid. Moscow's strategy, according to the analysts, was to finish "undermining Dubcek and his colleagues" before any such congress could take place.
A Four-Way Conference
In Southeast Asia, the brief records a stalemate in Paris. Ha Van Lau had rejected US protests regarding the shelling of Hue and firing from the DMZ. The North Vietnamese maintained that matters south of the 17th Parallel must be discussed with the National Liberation Front, though Lau hinted at the possibility of "four-way private meetings" involving Saigon and the Front.
Behind the scenes, the South Vietnamese government was trembling. Minister of State Thuc informed the US Embassy that President Thieu was "very worried" that the US was exhibiting "tolerance" toward Buddhist peace campaigns. The fear in Saigon was that the Nixon administration had already decided on a peace policy and would support a "peace government" in South Vietnam if Thieu did not comply.
This instability in the Middle East and Asia mirrors the volatility that later necessitated international oversight. While the Multinational Force and Observers would eventually be established in 1982 to oversee the peace treaty between Egypt and Israel, the 1969 record shows a much more fragile landscape. General Bull, the chief of the UN observer force, was then navigating Israeli complaints about Egyptian sniper fire across the Suez Canal and Israeli threats to patrol the eastern half of the Gulf of Suez—an action Cairo was "sure to consider an encroachment on its domain."
Even the basics of survival were weaponized. The brief notes that Egyptian claims in the press regarding 500,000 tons of Soviet wheat were "premature" and likely a tactic intended to force Moscow's hand in a trade agreement.