Khrushchev orders secret tank ring around Berlin as East Germans starve

By Roy Castellano ·

East Germans went two months without potatoes and faced a 2 billion mark goods deficit while Khrushchev secretly plotted to surround Berlin with a ring of Soviet tanks.

On August 1, 1961, Nikita Khrushchev told Walter Ulbricht that the Soviet Union should place an "iron ring around Berlin." The suggestion came during a conversation that serves as a stark ledger of a satellite state in freefall. This record, a translation of Russian notes provided by the Cold War International History Project, captures the East German leadership pleading for survival while the Soviet First Secretary balanced military aggression against the reality of a starving populace.

Khrushchev’s strategic logic was simple: seal the border to stop the leak of people and the infiltration of spies. He argued that the Germans would accept the closure if it were framed as a defense against war. To ensure the ring held, Khrushchev proposed that Soviet troops "lay down the ring" while East German troops controlled it. This was not merely a police action; it was a military deployment. Khrushchev noted that Soviet tanks would "dig in" behind the East German soldiers on the border with the Federal Republic of Germany, specifically stating this must be done secretly so that the West would notice it only after the fact.

No Potatoes in the GDR

While Khrushchev discussed tanks and rings, Ulbricht was preoccupied with food. The record shows a regime unable to perform the most basic function of a state: feeding its people. Ulbricht admitted that for two months, there had been "no potatoes to buy in the GDR." He blamed humid weather and a bad previous harvest, but Khrushchev was not convinced. The Soviet leader suggested the failure was actually the result of "overly hasty collectivization," a view shared by the Poles.

Khrushchev’s response to the food crisis was characteristic of his tenure. He claimed to be an "expert on corn," boasting that in 1950, his corn grew five meters high in the cold and rain of Moscow. When Ulbricht countered that corn did not grow in the GDR, Khrushchev simply replied, "I can't agree with you on this."

Beyond the corn debate, the economic rot was systemic. Ulbricht reported a "hostile mood among the people" caused by the scarcity of butter and milk. He noted that the buying power of the population exceeded the availability of goods in stores by two billion marks. The state had attempted to fix the gap by freezing wages and raising prices, but the result was a population that knew they were being lied to. Ulbricht observed that every engineer could see the reductions in the state's economic plans, leaving the intelligentsia without "economic inspiration."

Petitions at Hennigsdorf

Stability in the GDR was maintained not by loyalty, but by the fear of the "flattening" power of Soviet tanks. Ulbricht reported a specific instance of unrest at a factory in Hennigsdorf near Potsdam, a former AEG plant. There, "hostile engineers" had organized a signed petition demanding free elections and refusing to sign a peace treaty that would cement the division of Germany.

Ulbricht’s internal security apparatus claimed that one of the petitioners was an American agent and four were "former fascists." He described the farmers of the GDR as "sly," with some openly supporting the return of the Sudetenland. In one instance in the Plauen district, a farmer declared he would fight for these lands alongside West German Minister Hans-Christoph Seebohm. Ulbricht noted with a touch of envy that in the Soviet Union, such people would be sent to labor camps in Siberia, but the GDR had no such luxury.

Two Divisions for One

Despite the domestic chaos, Khrushchev remained focused on the leverage he could exert against the United States. He recalled a meeting in the Crimea with John J. McCloy, an advisor to President Kennedy, where Khrushchev boasted: "Against each one of your divisions we have two; and when you mobilize yours, we will do the same."

This military posture was the only currency Khrushchev valued. He viewed the economic failures of the GDR as "sloppiness" and suggested that the East Germans were too dependent on the West. Ulbricht confirmed this dependency, revealing that the GDR had bought shoes in West Germany for 100 million valuta marks and was facing a supply cutoff if they could not pay by August 15. He further detailed a chaotic socialist trade network where the Czechs, Poles, and Bulgarians all owed the GDR material or money, forcing East Germany to buy essential supplies from the West with hard currency.

When Ulbricht warned that a West German embargo following a peace treaty would be catastrophic, Khrushchev dismissed the concern. He argued that if the West declared an embargo, "to hell with them," and that West German firms like Krupp would suffer more than the Soviets would.

The conversation shifts toward the superiority of Soviet naval production toward the end. Khrushchev began to describe the construction of cruisers and atomic submarines that were "faster and better than the American ones," asserting that the Soviets knew how to build them. The record ends as Khrushchev begins to address the capabilities of the East German people.