447,000 Flee East Germany, Forcing Malenkov to Soften Police State
By Marcus Boone ·
Workers, peasants, and police vanished across the border in a mass haemorrhage that left 500,000 hectares abandoned and the state unable to feed its people.
Between January 1951 and April 1953, 447,000 people left the German Democratic Republic for West Germany. In the first four months of 1953 alone, the number exceeded 120,000. This was not a migration of the idle or the dissident elite; it was a haemorrhage of the very people required to make a state function. Among those fleeing were 18,000 workers, 9,000 peasants, and 17,000 employees of the working intelligentsia. Most telling of all, 8,000 members of the barracked police simply vanished across the border.
An order from the USSR Council of Ministers dated June 2, 1953, signed by Chairman G. Malenkov, reads like a post-mortem of a failed campaign. The document, provided as a published English translation from the Cold War International History Project, admits that a "very unsatisfactory political and economic situation" had developed in the GDR. The cause was simple: the Soviet leadership and the Socialist Unity Party (SED) had tried to force a square peg of ideology into the round hole of German reality.
447,000 Departures
For any analyst, these numbers represent a total collapse of internal security and social cohesion. When 2,718 members and candidates of the SED and 2,610 members of the Free German Youth League flee the system they are tasked with building, the system is no longer viable. The Malenkov order acknowledges that a "mistaken course" had been adopted in July 1952, attempting to accelerate the "construction of socialism" without the "real prerequisites, both internally and internationally."
In the eyes of the Kremlin, the prerequisites were missing, but the orders were still given. The result was a population that preferred the uncertainty of flight to the certainty of the state's plan. The document notes that the "thrifty German peasants," who were typically "strongly tied to their plots," had reached a breaking point. The record lists a staggering 500,000 hectares of land as abandoned and neglected. This was not a failure of farming; it was a failure of ownership.
Ration Cards and Heavy Industry
The order details the specific mechanisms of this failure. The state had pursued the "forcible development of heavy industry," despite a lack of raw materials. To fund this, they squeezed the small proprietors and the middle class. The government revoked food ration cards from private entrepreneurs and those in the free professions, effectively attempting to starve the independent class out of existence.
The agricultural sector fared even worse. The "hasty creation of agricultural cooperatives" led to a sharp drop in the exchange rate of the mark and serious shortages of food and manufactured goods. Malenkov’s solution was a desperate retreat. He recommended that the SED "halt the artificial establishment of agricultural production cooperatives" and dissolve those created on an "involuntary basis."
There is a striking admission here regarding private capital. The order suggests the GDR "renounce the policy of limiting and squeezing middle and small private capital as a premature measure." It calls for the "broad attraction of private capital" in trade and industry and the restoration of food ration cards to entrepreneurs. This was a late-stage admission that the state could not produce enough to feed its people or manage its economy without the very "private initiative" it had spent years trying to eradicate.
Semyonov and Grechko
The political failure extended to the treatment of the church and the intelligentsia. The order describes the SED's methods as "crude administrative methods and repression," noting that the state had underestimated the influence of the church among the masses. The directive orders an end to the "harmful practice of crude interference in the affairs of the church" and the restoration of confiscated charitable establishments and subsidies.
Even the Soviet occupation forces were identified as a liability. The order specifically obliges the High Commissioner of the USSR in Germany, Cde. Semyonov, and the Supreme Commander of the Soviet occupation troops, Cde. Grechko, to fix the "shortcomings" of the occupation regime. Specifically, Soviet troops were ordered to vacate the hospitals, schools, and cultural establishments they had occupied, as their presence was infringing upon the "immediate interests of the civilian population."
Malenkov believed that by softening the edges of the police state and easing the pressure on the peasantry, the GDR could be stabilized. He suggested a "flexible tactics" approach to divide opponents and avoid a "wholly adversarial position" toward the Social Democratic Party (SPD) of West Germany, hoping to use them against the "venal clique" of Konrad Adenauer.
The order was issued on June 2, 1953. Two weeks later, on June 16 and 17, the GDR erupted in a widespread uprising of workers and citizens that required the intervention of Soviet tanks to suppress. The record leaves open whether Malenkov's proposed relaxations ever reached the streets, or if they arrived too late to stop the explosion.