WSPF Task Forces Hunted Nixon's Plumbers and Dirty Tricks Squads
By Harlan Pryce ·
Political operatives used to sabotage rivals and spy on citizens left a trail of memos that the Watergate Special Prosecution Force spent years cataloging in the dark.
Political opponents and private citizens were broken into, spied on, and harassed by a White House that treated the American public as an enemy. The cost was a shattered trust in the executive branch and the systematic criminalization of political dissent.
For years, the inner workings of this campaign of sabotage were shielded by the highest office in the land. When the law finally caught up, it required a specialized apparatus to dismantle the deception. The archival scope-and-content description for a series titled "Staff Memorandums" at the US National Archives captures the blueprint of that effort: the Watergate Special Prosecution Force (WSPF).
"Dirty Tricks" and the Plumbers
The catalogue entry for these staff memorandums reveals that the WSPF was not a monolithic office, but a collection of specialized hunting parties. The records were split among task forces whose names read like a confession of the crimes they were assigned to solve.
There was a "Dirty Tricks Task Force" and a "Plumbers Task Force," the latter named for the operatives tasked with "plugging leaks" through illegal means. There was also a "Campaign Contributions Task Force" and an "International Telephone and Telegraph (ITT) Task Force." These designations show that the investigation wasn't just about a single break-in at a hotel, but a sprawling network of financial irregularities and covert operations designed to maintain power at any cost.
These memorandums, sent between the Special Prosecutor and the staff, were the primary means of coordinating the takedown of a criminal enterprise operating from within the West Wing. They were maintained by the Office of the Deputy Special Prosecutor, serving as the paper trail for the lawyers tasked with proving that the state had been weaponized against its own people.
U.S. v. Mitchell
The prosecution's work moved from the shadows of task force memos into the glare of the courtroom. Related archival descriptions point to a series of "Litigative Memorandums" specifically concerning the prosecution in U.S. v. Mitchell, et al.
John Mitchell, the former Attorney General, represented the peak of the betrayal. The man charged with upholding the law had instead presided over its dismantling. The existence of these "original and copies" of memorandums and "working papers" suggests a grueling process of connecting the dots between the operatives on the ground and the architects in the cabinet.
To ensure the defendants could not dodge the evidence, the WSPF kept a meticulous paper trail of its own. The archives include "Inventories and Receipts of Jencks and Brady Materials," the records of exactly what evidence was handed over to the defense counsel. In a case where the government had spent years hiding the truth, the WSPF had to be obsessively transparent with its evidence to ensure the convictions held.
The Visitor Logs
Even the physical space of the prosecution was a site of surveillance. The archives hold "Records Concerning Office Visitors," consisting of sign-in cards, sign-out cards, and registers. These were not mere administrative chores; they were maintained by the Federal Protective Service to control traffic at the WSPF offices.
When you are investigating a president who employs "Plumbers" to silence critics, you do not leave your front door open. The logs represent a defensive perimeter, a necessary precaution for a legal team operating in an environment where the line between law enforcement and political espionage had been erased.
Finally, the records include the transcripts of presidential tape recordings that were played to the grand jury. These transcripts, received via a subpoena on July 23, 1973, are the ghosts of the conversations Nixon thought were private. They are the raw data of the conspiracy, transcribed and weaponized by the Watergate Task Force to break the wall of silence surrounding the administration.
While the broader history of the era is well-known, the specific internal communications of the WSPF—the memos that moved from the "Dirty Tricks" squad to the Special Prosecutor—remain the definitive map of how the state attempts to purge itself of a corrupt executive. The records leave us with the sterile image of sign-in cards and receipt inventories, but they point to a period when the law had to build a fortress just to conduct an investigation.