The Indonesian Military and the Utter Devastation of Maubara
By Desmond Okafor ·
Thousands were displaced and homes burned as the Indonesian military cleared East Timor in 1999—a carnage the U.S. State Department watched in real-time.
The families of Maubara woke to find their world reduced to ash and charcoal. For the residents of this small village, the cost of Indonesian occupation was the total erasure of their domestic life, their shelters, and their safety.
The evidence for this account survives not as the original telegram's pages, but as a curated archival description of the cable. On June 24, 1999, a U.S. Embassy political officer—whose name remains withheld—traveled to the Liquica district, a coastal region 32 kilometers west of the capital, Dili, to witness the results of the Indonesian military's campaign. What he found was a landscape stripped of its utility. In the village of Maubara, home to speakers of the Tocodede language and situated near a coastal lake, the officer recorded a "scene of utter devastation" where "almost every house [was] burned or dismantled" (the record).
The Architecture of Erasure
This was not a byproduct of chaotic civil strife. It was a calculated military operation. According to the public record, a scorched-earth policy is a strategy of destroying everything that allows an enemy to fight—depriving them of food, water, infrastructure, and shelter. In East Timor—the eastern half of the island of Timor, including the coastal exclave of Oecusse and the islands of Atauro and Jaco—the Indonesian military applied this logic to a civilian population.
The record is explicit: the officer concluded "it is clear that the Indonesian military and pro-integration militias, working together closely, are carrying out a scorched earth policy." This "working together" is the crucial line. The pro-integration militias, known as Wanra, were not organic grassroots movements; they were armed civilians trained and directed by the Indonesian National Armed Forces, the military body comprising the Army, Navy, and Air Force under the command of the Indonesian president.
The connection here is a closed loop of violence. The military provided the training, the weaponry, and the orders; the militias provided the plausible deniability. By using Wanra to burn Maubara to the ground, the Indonesian military attempted to dress a state-sponsored purge as a local conflict. The record strips that mask away, linking the soldiers and the militias in a single, coordinated effort to break the will of the East Timorese people.
Document imagery from nsarchive.gwu.edu From the files: nsarchive.gwu.edu
The Jakarta-Washington Pipeline
As Maubara burned, the reporting flowed from the U.S. Embassy in Jakarta—the mission headquartered on Jalan Medan Merdeka Selatan—directly to the State Department. The telegram sent on June 24 served as a formal notification that the Indonesian military was no longer merely policing a territory, but was systematically destroying it.
The timing of this report is not accidental. The violence peaked in the window surrounding the 1999 independence referendum. The U.S. political officer's visit to the Liquica district was a verification mission, a physical trek into the ruins to confirm that the devastation was absolute. He did not report a suspicion; he reported a conclusion based on the physical evidence of dismantled homes and empty streets.
This reporting created a precise synchronization of knowledge. Washington knew, in real-time, that the Indonesian military was executing a scorched-earth campaign. They had the testimony of their own officer on the ground in Maubara. They had the confirmation that the TNI was the architect of the militia's violence. The line from the charred ruins of a Tocodede village to the desks in Foggy Bottom was short, direct, and unfiltered.
The Verification Loop
If this file is shaped the way it looks, the June 24 telegram was not a discovery, but a confirmation. The pattern suggests the political officer's field visit was a verification mission to confirm intelligence already known to the State Department, given that a related "East Timor update" cable had been sent from Jakarta a month earlier on May 24.
The desk's reading is that the June 24 cable functioned as a 'paper trail' of awareness. By documenting the "utter devastation" of Maubara in a formal telegram, the Embassy protected itself from future charges of negligence. The descriptive, diagnostic tone of the report—recording the ruins without demanding an immediate shift in policy or an urgent intervention—suggests a diplomatic corps more interested in recording the catastrophe than in stopping it.
Furthermore, the pattern suggests a parallel, non-diplomatic communication track existed between the U.S. military and the Indonesian military that bypassed this political reporting channel. While the political officer was counting burned houses in Liquica, military-to-military liaisons were likely managing the strategic fallout in a separate, compartmentalized stream of communication. This institutional separation allowed the State Department to maintain a record of horror while the security apparatus maintained a relationship with the perpetrators.
The Price of Leverage
There is a darker reading of the gaps in this record. The documentation of atrocities in Maubara was being curated not as a trigger for humanitarian rescue, but as geopolitical leverage to pressure the Indonesian military into a negotiated withdrawal. By keeping a precise tally of the scorched earth, Washington held a ledger of crimes it could trade for a clean exit of Indonesian forces.
Crucially, the file omits the specific U.S. security assistance and training provided to the very TNI units identified as executing the scorched earth policy. This follows a standard intelligence pattern: the State Department's human rights reporting is kept strictly separate from the security cooperation records. The U.S. was simultaneously documenting the fire and funding the arsonists.
The pattern suggests that a full release of the security assistance files from 1999 would show a direct line of funding, training, or equipment from the U.S. to the units that dismantled Maubara. The still-withheld pages are protecting the reality that the "utter devastation" witnessed by the political officer was facilitated by American assets. The people of East Timor paid for this diplomatic compartmentalization with their homes and their lives, while the record was carefully curated to ensure that no one in Washington was ever truly implicated in the ash.
Sources
- Telegram from U.S. Embassy Jakarta to State Department, "East Timor: A Scorched Earth Policy," June 24, 1999. — National Security Archive (GWU)
- Document PDF (Telegram from U.S. Embassy Jakarta to State Department, "East Timor: A Scorched Earth Policy," June 24, 1999.)
- Background: Scorched earth — Wikipedia